NA ASIA TOUR 2008

Report by somebody who was there with an intro by Welf Herfurth


Finally, here is a report about the National Anarchist Asia Tour 2008. The report was written by one of the participants, and it is purposely written as an eye witness account, without too many political statements. The aim of the report is to give a personal account of the trip.

One of the aims that we tried to achieve with this tour was to show the participants how the native people live. Two of the guys who came with us had never been in Asia and one can say that it was a real eye opener for them. Not only did we see the most amazing cultural sights and landscapes, but we mixed with the people as much as we could: we ate their local food, travelled in their buses and experienced the life they lead.

And by the end of the trip it was very clear to us that the people in Lao, Vietnam, Thailand and Cambodia have the same needs and wants as we have here in Australia, namely the need for financial security, preservation of their culture against the never-ending tsunami of American influence and the preservation of their community’s identity and survival.

From the beginning of this trip we were aware that it would cause controversy in the nationalistic and ‘lefty’ circles here in Australia. We expected that the ‘left’ would just palm the trip off as a smokescreen and the ‘right’ would ask the question, “Why would a nationalist want to visit these countries?”

Well, for the ‘left’ we have one message and that is that we believe that every culture has the right of self-determination, cultural identity and preservation of its way of life. We believe that we don’t have the right to tell them how to life and what form of political system they have to have. I know that certain elements of the ‘left’ want to change the whole world into a liberal democratic paradise and label every nation that doesn’t want to be part of this utopia a racist or fascist state. They are unable to understand that not everyone feels the same fuzzy feeling about liberal democracy as they do. This attempt of social engineering is nothing short of cultural imperialism and reminds me of the politics of the English in the old times where they tried to bring the English way of life to their colonies. And we all know how that ended up.

What the ‘left’ fails to understand that most cultures in this world have a tribal way of thinking, a way of life that is based on strong community feelings and respect for their elders. The whole concept of ‘elections’ is foreign to them and in forcing ‘Democracy’ onto them they create nothing but chaos and social suffering on these people. Just have a look at what is happening in Iraq. Nobody can tell me that liberal democracy is working for the good of the Iraqi people.

And we as members of the New Right Australia New Zealand are more than happy to visit other countries and see for ourselves how these people live and what their culture is like. We are not snobs who think that we are better than them and who try to force our way of life onto them. And as long as we are in their country, living within their community, we obey by their rules.

In return we expect nothing else when they are in our country.

Now, the reaction of the ‘right’ was everything that we expected – and more. Everything from shaking heads, wondering why one wants to visit Asia (“Why don’t you go to Cabramatta?”) and pointing out that as Australians we have the duty to holiday in our own country to pure hatred towards us. In one online forum we were called race traitors, sex tourists, naïve fools, going over to Asia for the lady boys, etc., etc. All said in some very immature and idiotic statements. But then we had to sit back and think about WHO made these statements and then we came to the conclusion that they did us a great favour in calling us these things. Why? Very simply – they displayed their ignorance by showing that they are not able to think outside their political cage; everything that is new is poison to them. It is they, through their rambling, who isolate themselves in a politically rubber-padded cell.

I had a lot of calls and e-mails from people who asked me about this Asia Tour, and so far I have not had one person who was hostile towards us after we talked about it. They might not agree with it, but each one was man/woman enough to respect our point of view. No two people agree with each other 100% and that has to be expected. To agree to disagree and work together on issues one agrees on: That is the mature approach and the only way forward.

So to all the people who called us these names, hidden behind usernames so we don’t know who they are; thank you for showing the world how ignorant and stupid you are. Thank you for proving to the world that lateral thinking is not something that you practise. I hope that you all feel warm and cosy in your Forum world that is like ‘Second Life’ to you, where you can abuse people all day long. Stay there, feel important and save the world, well the internet world anyway. As long as you stay there we in the real world don’t have to deal with brain dead people like you. And that is a good thing.

To all the people who tried to defend our tour and myself a big thank you for sticking up for us and me personally. I know that many of you don’t agree with what the New Right and National Anarchists are doing, but nevertheless you defended our right to be different. And that has to be commended.

Last but not least, I would like to thank the people who went on tour with us. Not only did we all have a great time, saw some amazing places, had lots of adventures and drank many beers, we also cemented our friendship and comradeship, and that is something that nobody can take away from us.

As for next year – yes, there will be another tour. So if you are interested, drop us a line.

Welf Herfurth
Welf Herfurth is a political activist who lives in Sydney / Australia. He was born and raised in Germany. He can be contacted on herfurth@iinet.net.au


Across South East Asia

(I went on the trip in order to see for myself how an alien culture, but of a more natural society, contrasted with the technocratic-dogmatic thinking that is enforced on my beloved homeland. I discovered how complete the imprisonment of the great masses is. May every one of my countrymen and women’s minds break free!)

After much wrangling with my local post office, my passport arrived two weeks ahead of the plane trip. I flicked through it standing outside the post office. Its cover was dark blue, made of some stiff card with a fabric face; inside was a holographic photo of myself. Of interest, and different from my previous passport, was the addition of an imbedded chip in a page towards the back, presumably holding my personal file for the benefit of the authorities. I’d like to know what is on it.

I work in a factory at a trade. My last day at work was actually a send off; I would not be coming back. Therefore I was treated by all and sundry, and made to promise to send post cards. A few chaps from the factory floor decided to spring a good natured trap and in a meat pie they gave to me, had surreptitiously inserted into the filling a chopped up chilli! However, I had been training myself for the past months to eat chilli, and the addition on one chilli improved the taste of the pie. They stood surprised as I pulled another chilli from my lunchbox and ate it raw. Then the rough fellows slapped me on the back and hooted with applause. I had impressed them.

I did not want to have to pay rent for five weeks while away, so I packed everything I owned into my car. The student accommodation where I live is easy to get, and I planned to reapply when I returned. Therefore I needed to store my possessions while away. Previously, I had sorted out to store them at a friend’s garage, and now I drove over there. Not everything could fit in the car; therefore everything I did not want to keep, various odds and ends, books and the like, I simply distributed to the other tenants or discarded. I had an interesting ride, with my car full of things, receiving many an odd look from other motorists. At one point the car’s suspension, already overburdened, bottomed out over a speed bump with an awkward grind. I gripped the wheel tightly, thinking I was stranded. Fortunately the downhill momentum carried the car over.

After returning to my residence I collected the bond from my landlord. He was happy at the state of my room, and we parted friends. Then I drove my now empty car over to Welf’s. My other comrades greeted me at the door excitedly, everyone was in high sprirts. After a while Allan said to me: ‘Look here, I’m staving. Let’s go and get a kebab’. We quietly left and drove up and got a kebab. It was our last taste of a kebab for five weeks.

That night I could not sleep much. Going overseas excites because it is seeing things one has never seen before. My mind was continually playing over what I read about or seen in photographs many times before, and I tried to imagine what it would be like once we touched down. Would it be the same? Or would it be different? This guessing kept me up for a long time. Finally I dropped off in a restless slumber.
…..

We awoke at some time past four am. It was a clear cloudless sky: those mornings are the coldest. A cloudy morning acts as an insulating blanket. Rainy weather is even better. After a few cups of coffee we lumbered our packs into the car. Another comrade arrived. More greetings. Then we left for the station.

Here we did not intend to catch the train. The line to Sydney Airport is owned by a private company and the fare is prohibitive. It is cheaper and more reliable to catch a taxi. We selected one and got in, however at that moment its engine died. A poor start. The driver looked at us apologetically. I felt sorry for the fellow; he seemed a decent enough chap. He called for a friend over his radio to come and pick us up.

On the way to the airport we got stuck in the traffic coming through the M5 tunnel under the airport itself. This is a major bottleneck in Sydney’s traffic ring road system, especially in the mornings and afternoons during peak hours. The driver cursed and grumbled at the Government. All of us comrades laugh at the various corruptions in the NSW State Government, and incompetence with which it deals with the endless scandals when the media uncovers them. In a way I am glad that we have a corrupt government: it throws out the sham of liberal-democracy into sharp relief, something we can use in our own outreach.

The taxi pulled up at International at about seven am. We changed our money into Thai Bant, and read our last emails till touch down in Bangkok. After check in we passed into the huge shopping area that all passengers navigate. Then we went through the much vaunted airport security. This checkpoint was manned by an obese woman with three chins. She grunted at me once and I passed through the metal detector. We went straight to our plane and boarded within a few minutes.
…..

The plane trip was uneventful. It simply felt as we had got into a tube and then got out again eight hours later – but the scenery was different. Most people watched movies or slept. My first recollection of Bangkok was a great poster of the Thai Monarch, with the slogan, ‘Long Live the King’, facing the disembarking passengers at the airport. It was literally the first thing we saw of Thailand. Presumably this was to remind newcomers or returning Thais who was boss. Not that I minded: I’d rather a king as head of State anyday, over some lacklustre politician. Not that I stand for old Lizzy though.

The reception hall at Bangkok Airport is a huge modern steel and glass hanger-like structure. We passed through customs and security without incident. After we retrieved our packs from the baggage carrousel we went outside to get a taxi to the city and a hostel. Immediately outside a heavy, smoggy, windy heat descended on us. Our shirts began to stick to our backs. Past the glass doors a large pack of tour and accommodation guides gathered; now they gathered around us, offering various deals. We selected one and hopped into a car. It was a sort of homemade taxi. To the driver’s credit the ride was smooth.

The drive to Bangkok’s Chinatown is along massive freeways and overpasses that are not ten years old. Magnificent bronze statues of traditional Thai figures adorn the side. Out beyond that lies Bangkok: a metropolis that reaches as far as the eye can see, vast and glistening and spreading. Soaring office and residential towers glint silver and white in the slanting afternoon sun against a brown smog; their number is countless, and they stretch to the horizon in all directions. Between them as a floor lies the green foliage of neighbourhood trees, like a carpet between teeth. This is the home of the common people.

From a sweeping exit we descended into the neighbourhoods of Chinatown. Here tuk tuk’s – small motorcycles with a passenger cart attached – and sedans wrestled with numerous scooters and a considerable amount of bicycles, for possession of the road space. Thais drive on the left, but that is the only similarity to Sydney. The nature of driving and road rules, or lack of, was a topic of much discussion among my comrades, and a whole treatise could probably on that subject be written.

The important point for the traveller to remember is that here drivers and riders have an uncanny unspoken understanding with one another (undoubtedly born of close folkish community), and possess a hidden capacity to adjudicate right of way among themselves with ease, in a traffic without a legally set ‘right of way’ as in Western countries. The communicate subtlety to one another their intentions: a raised eyebrow, a slight nod, a minor movement of the finger; which, owing to their slightness of motion, the average tourist misses and mistakes for an almost telepathic communication (as mentioned before, this can only come about through an intense knowledge of common ‘modes of understanding’ held only within a folkish community).

What this amounts to on the roads is that rules are often flouted, because they don’t need them. For example, off the freeways, one can forget entirely the lane markings. We learnt over the trip to trust implicitly in our drivers and riders, and their ability to judge distance and speed in often chaotic situations, as well as communicate effectively to other drivers and riders. We became confident and our earlier apprehension was dispelled. After this, riding on a motor scooter through a crowded five way intersection became a peculiar joy.

But I digress. The hotel in Chinatown was unremarkable and Western-like. We ventured out after a shower into the streets. Bangkok’s streets are always remarkable – so much living is done on them! When outside one is continually engaged by the strange smells, sounds, and exotic sights that press in on foreign senses. Every inch is occupied, yet if you need room then space is made. Sellers flogging food clutter the footpaths and lanes; tuk tuks crowd the road; cycles navigate precariously close but safely the edges of whizzing traffics. There is an order here, but it is another order: a more natural order to the West; here each man follows what his own mind thinks best – instead of what he is told is best.

This is in contrast to the West, where advertising has changed way the average man thinks: instead of what comes instinctively, what would be common sense, what is inherently logical, Western man has unnatural rules, ‘responsibilities’, technocratic dogma, fashionableness, ‘correct political attitudes’, etc., etc., to consider when confronted by a problem and in framing his solution. Mostly he applies these stipulations subconsciously, but once in a while he wonders at their illogical. Here, this attitude of mindless conformity was thrown into sharp contrast with the more logical mode and independence of thinking of the native people. Why not set up a barbecue on the street? There is room, and money to be made, so why not? Another though occurred to me. As I became gradually conscious of the enormous effect advertising has over the great masses and their thinking, I realised the enormous problem that confronts anyone who seeks to establish the forces of national resistance against the whole international movement.

And finally let no one say that modern society needs these ‘rules’ to operate: Bangkok is a modern city of over twenty millions which operates with minimal violent crime or social disturbances – and its preserves its folkish community.
…..

The next morning we visited the famed Bangkok floating markets. The idea was to get into a motor canoe and visit numerous stalls by the side of the canal. The edged of the canals are concrete, the stalls themselves timber and reed roofs, the hawkers selling mass-produced, but locally made Thai souvenirs. It is purely a tourist market. That said, I had no problem with the outfit because the items obviously were of decent quality and made by local people.

We ended up buying little though. We left lunch and drove up to the bridge on River Kwai. One end of the bridge is a small town, with again lots of tourist wares. The planking on the bridge is rather slipshod, and many boards rattle when stepped on. We did witness a Buddhist monk being carried on the shoulders of others in a religious parade. Then we drove over to a famous cutting, the infamous ‘Hellfire Pass’, of the Japanese Thailand-Burma Railway built by forced labour during the last war. Here Allied soldiers, mainly British, Australian and New Zealanders, and Dutch, were used as forced labour by their Japanese to build the railway through the jungle, as well as numerous Chinese, Malay, and Tamil labourers. All suffered greatly under the Japanese.

It must have been a very difficult project to be labouring on. It was very remote from any major town and the lack of metal hand tools meant workers were often using sticks as makeshift digging tools. Workers were often required to work eighteen hour days in the humid climate, and this coupled with the lack of hygiene, poor health care, and small, poor quality rations, resulted in cases of cholera, dysentery, starvation, and exhaustion among the working parties. To increase production, extra strain was placed on the still healthy workers, with the Japanese using bamboo canes to beat slow workers. In the six weeks it took to cut the pass, guards beat to death sixty-eight in total, or about eleven men a week.

There is a bronze plaque dedicated to these poor souls at the beginning of the pass. Here we stood in silent contemplation of the pain that happened here years ago. Men our own age here had suffered horrible fates, maybe their ghosts lingered here still. It was a solemn moment.

On the 13th of April we spent the day browsing the bazaars and street markets of Bangkok. I brought a sturdy bracelet of Afghan make made of a silver alloy of low quality. The moist air affected the copper in the mix and slowly turned it a darken yellow in the weeks to come. I decided then to only buy four souvenirs, one from each country we visited.

That evening all agreed we were looking forwards to leaving Bangkok. The humidity was oppressive, and the air was polluted with smog. We previously had bought tickets on an overnight train to Vientiane, capital of Laos, a country to the north of Thailand.

Now we went to the grand central railway station of Bangkok from our hotel in a tuk tuk. We boarded at about 8PM, but the train left not at the 8.30PM timetable start, but instead at about 10PM – reason unknown. We shared out the bottles of beers we had brought with us and made merry. Then we were rocked us to sleep by the train, racing over the rails.

We arrived at the end of the line and crossed into Laos. Here the communist authorities and their bureaucracy became apparent: it took about an hour to cross the boarder. A tuk tuk took us into Vientiane. It was a small city and had everything in pleasing proportion. We checked into a hostel and went over to a well known venue, The Scandinavian Bakery, for lunch. Then we prepared for the Hash House Harrier (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hash_House_Harriers) run being held that afternoon.

It was held at a large house inside a compound on the edge of town. Like most of the runners, the host was an American from New York. We all got on fine. Then we ran the hash, through the streets, up into the poorer suburbs, out into the ramshackle slums, and along the main roads. It was great fun, and I remembered the thrill of pushing the body from my days competing in school middle distance running. Dogs yapped and barked at our heels and God knows what the locals thought of these red faced foreigners. After the run our generous host showered us with beer and conducted a hash circle, which is really a badly disguised drinking game for adults. Then, all for the grand price of US$5, we ate and drank to our hearts content at a nearby restaurant.

The next day was spent in sightseeing in Vientiane. We trawled the markets for deals on rare items back home, and for souvenirs. I bought a handsome silver dragon headed bracelet. That night we travelled north to Vanvieng in a minivan. Along the way an accident had just occurred, and a man was groaning on the ground, clutching a bloody head with his hands. He did not appear seriously injured though.

We arrived in Vanvieng past dusk. The streets had a Wild West feel. It was a free and easy atmosphere. There are a large amount of backpackers and European tourists in Vanvieng, and therefore drugs. One can order with food all sorts of concoctions.

The next day the others went tubing on a nearby river. I wandered the immense airstrip that runs through the town. Today its surface has deteriorated to a gravelly surface, and it serves a sort of large empty square. In the Vietnam War era this was the CIA’s base of operations for its ‘Air America’ service, an outfit transport aid and training to the anti-communist hill tribes. It was unlike how I’d imagined it. I had expected to see plane wrecks and mournful faces, but the people here seem to have already forgotten the war.

Vanvieng is a testament to the hedonism of today. Stoned backpackers stumble along the streets and periodically someone will fall over in a drug induced fit. This is common, and the person is simply carried to a padded bench to recover. It seemed to me like the end of the world, a denial of reality, of the future, a simple living for the moment feeling.

The day after the next we returned to Vientiane. The next morning, I left my companions and took a bus to across Laos heading for Danang in Vietnam. The bus travelled on through the night, and the music was never turned off for very long. I did not sleep for more than three hours all up.
…

In the pale blue dawn we stopped at a busy roadside café on the edge of a misty mountain. The coffee was Vietnamese style, condensed milk, hot dark liquid and ice. Stirring it up mixed the ingredients into a sweet and strong brew.

We went through the Vietnamese boarder at about 9AM. Because I was the only Westerner in the office I was delayed, and my passport was not approved until the last minute. However my bus passenger waited patiently, and even cheered me when I walked under the red and white boom gate.

Danang was a whistlestop. At about 2PM I quickly disembarked from the bus and found another going south almost immediately. We left Danang in record time, and this time I made certain beyond all doubt that the bus had air conditioning. Also the seats had clean fabric, not dirty lino covers. A pure luxury, in a contrast with the last twenty four hours. Not even the music would stop me from enjoying an adequate rest.

All that day and night we drove on, small fry on the roads dodging our rushing mass. In the morning we navigated through the outer suburbs of Saigon, which is still commonly called that name by locals. Once off the bus, I found a map. I correctly guessed the tourist precinct to be District 1. A local bus took me across town. Here I found in the agreed hostel a note detailing a change to another hostel around the corner. I fumbled around the long way, rejecting many offers of tuk tuks and restaurants. Finally I found it, well hidden in a back lane. The boys greeted me, and I explained my adventure on the busses.

I was in Saigon, the opulent faded jewel of France’s colonial empire. The influence could be seen in the art deco and French provincial architecture and street layout. Welf had the good luck to run into an old acquaintance from his previous trip, Johnny, an experienced local guide. Throughout our stay in Vietnam the friendliness of the local people surprised us, not least because being Australians our country had been fighting here less than thirty years ago. Perhaps the better treatment the Australians gave the Vietnamese back then, and their more professional training, accounted for some of this.
However I am inclined to venture that the natural spirit of the Vietnamese is friendly toward any stranger. A good example of this was Johnny, who insisted that we visit his home and eat there at least once. Similarly he was an honest and good natured guide we could not fault. After the day was over, and the obligation to guide these clumsy Westerners was done, still he would on his own free time insist on staying with us to help out and point out the better eating and drinking places. Undoubtable some of this was due to following shear good business acumen of not letting a customer out of site until safely in hostel, but it was hard to ascribe it entirely to this. There was a genuine and friendly side to his nature that was undeniable.

Johnny himself was a former South Vietnamese soldier in ARVN. After the war these men where barred from other professions’, and so today make up the large labouring and taxi driving class of Saigon and the South.

LONG TAN

The next morning we visited the memorial to the Australians at Long Tan, about an hour north west of Saigon. Again the heat was oppressive. The red soil was dusty in a horrid way, getting everywhere in the car. The memorial, which is a simple concrete cross painted white, stands in an unremarkable field of rubber trees. Here we stood for a moment of sombre silence. The birds twittered in the trees above.

Here on the 18th of August 1966 a ‘D’ Company 6RAR (Australian infantry) encountered forward elements of a VC regiment. The battle developed until the VC were continually assaulting and attempting to flank the Australians, however heavy artillery from a nearby base and ammunition resupply from helicopters allowed the Australians, who where widely dispersed in excellent defensive positions, to hold them off. Also heavy rain hampered assault attempts. This situation lasted for some hours until a counter attack by another company, ‘B’, staged in APC’s drove off the attackers.

Most of the Australian soldiers fighting in both companies were in their early twenties and conscripted. The parallels to my own age were again, like Hellfire Pass, uncanny, and gave me pause for reflection.

Two hundred metres or so to the right of the cross lay the battlefield itself, a cleared patch of red soil, furrowed for planting. It is said that this is the only memorial to foreign soldiers Vietnam has permitted to be erected on its soil. I wondered why this was. We also visited the unremarkable remnants of the Australian and New Zealander Base, now dismantled and grown over.

On the 24th we travelled to Mui Ne which is a beachside town north of Saigon by four hours. It is a simple and pretty place, clean sand and water against a warm blue sky. It did not rain once.

It is often said that when things are dangerous, or unpleasant, they make good reading and can fill many pages; but that happier days, of rest and sunshine can be soon told.

We spent the days lazing about the beach or floating in the warm ocean swells. In the evenings we would gather at our favourite restaurant and feast like kings for a pittance. And at dusk the cloudless red sky gave way to a full moon, which we toasted with our drinks in the gentle surf.

But we had adventures there too. One day we hired motor scooters and rode bravely through the foreign traffic, out along a coast road to a sea of immense dunes. Here we climb for hours among the hills of sand, sliding down the steep and shear faces, to come to rest in little valleys of dune grass and old drift wood – and then climb out again. Sand got into everything, my pockets and my under clothes included.

Among the dunes lay a round blue lake, ringed with green weed, and there stood a herd of miniature ponies, grazing in the shallows. The ponies had no owners in sight and seemed free beasts. They seemed unaware of our presence, and we left them to their food.

Later that day I lent my motor scooter to another backpacker. She fell into a corner, cutting her leg in places, and was taken to a local hospital. I was roused by Allan who raced back to the hostel. I was required to bring back the motorcycles of Welf and the injured backpacker. Allan took me to hospital and in turns we got back the other bikes, riding separately back and then together to the hospital. I must admit that the speed and confidence of Allan’s riding surprised me, but I counselled myself that he was an experienced rider of many years. On the return journey’s, when I was in control, I pushed my abilities to stay with Allan, and he commended me afterward. The sheer thrill of riding a bike at high speeds along chaotic road cannot be matched, and is almost delicious in its appeal. It feels like you have cheated death. The closure of this unfortunate incident was the complete recovery of the injured backpacker.

A sad parting of ways occurred then also, with Michael starting on the long journey home. During a special midnight toast in the South China Sea we declared eternal friendship.

Then after a few days, with heavy hearts, we turned and left the Mui Ne beach and returned to Saigon. Back into the smog and dirt and bustle of the city. The day after we caught a bus bound for Phonm Penh. We arrived late in the afternoon.

Cambodia struck me immediately as being a few degrees poorer than Vietnam. My first memory after crossing the boarder was the profusion of street sellers of crisp fried insects. I am told that these are a good source of protein. Eating them undoubtable was a practice that sprung up during Pol Pots time. The people here seem more reserved than Vietnam, more irrational, more genuine.

The next day I wandered along the foreshore of the Mekong, and here was a festival taking place in a very public manner. A small public temple was surrounded and crowded with reverent Buddhists, graced with flowers and incense. Across the road a large open air market spread. The living pulse of Asia is overwhelming, the sheer unconsciousness of how the people go about their very public lives amazes. There is not the least shred of self-consciousness here.

On the 29th of April I visited the huge Russian markets; perhaps it refers to the aid this country received from the USSR at one time. There I brought a small number of the red check traditional Khmer scarves. That night we lazed about the foreign correspondents club, famous for the patronage of journalists during Pol Pot time.

The next day Allen departed. We had the now customary last drinks. Then the net morning we boarded a bus to Sinnahokville, a beach town on the south coast of Cambodia. There was nothing extremely remarkable about this place in contrast to the beach at Mui Ne. In fact I found it dirtier and more crowded. There was not much to recommend it. However it could have been we stayed in a bad area or saw the wrong beach.

After a few days here we returned to Phenon Penh and to the same guest house. Then after a night we travelled north to Siem Riep. This is a town just south of the temples of Angkor Wat, Cambodia’s best know landmark. Here Welf left to join up with his better half in an upmarket hotel. I choose a budget hostel instead. The rooms were $5 without aircon which suited me fine.

ANKOR WAT

I spent the next week travelling up to Angkor Wat and wandering around their massive bulk. This place is simply amazing and if a visitor does not visit it while in Asia then they are missing an extraordinary spectacle. These mightily temples, build between 800 and 1200 AC are the remnants of a once powerful Hindu empire in this now Buddhist land. The immense carved faces stare out at one impassively, confident and incumbent in their long gone power.

The temples take most of their themes directly from the mythology of the Hindu: the complex is laid out to represent holy Mount Meru in India; the temple is dedicated to Vishnu; and the orientation is to the West, from whence the Gods originated in Hindu myths.

Impressive stone scenes are depicted in bas relief and statues adore most other structures. Here one can see the great extent of Indian - and by default Aryan - influence, on South East Asian culture. This influence does not wash over the mountain chain that divides Vietnam from Laos and Cambodia, and this has acted as a dividing line between the Indianite and Sino influenced cultures of Cambodia, Thailand, Laos and Vietnam respectively.

I left Siem Riep on the 9th of May. I took a bus to the boarder of Thailand along a highway that was in a poor state. I am told this is as an airline company is paying the government bribes to not repair the road. And thus the trip is slow and rough.

At the boarder transferred to a different bus. Thailand is a very modern efficient State, and the crossing was easy. The new bus was far more comfortable and we made good progress, arriving in Bangkok at 8.30PM.

I found the cheapest room I could (about $2) in a dormitory. Then I caught a taxi with two New Zealanders to the airport in the morning. It all went like clockwork. I meet Welf at the airport with his partner; they’d been staying on the idyllic south coast of Thailand for the better part of a week. Unfortunately it had rained a lot. However they had a happy time, including many massages and facials - Welf’s partner that is.

On the flight home I watched an old version of ‘Around the World in Eighty Days’. I was reminded that the world still holds much mystery, even now. Witnessing Asian culture shows one what is important in our own European culture.

In seeking to understand and respect other cultures, perhaps we can find some keys to building our own.

PROMOTING NATIONALISM

by Dennis Kastros*


This article will be examining the nationalist movement from the perspective of the New Right (and that is a metapolitical approach) and the means by which it promotes itself and the imagery and language it uses. As the imagery, language and propaganda used by a movement is the primary means by which it propagates itself, it is imperative that the manner in which any movement or ideology expresses itself can capably and efficiently invoke the desired response and create a perception of the movement in others which was initially intended. Difficulties arise because the means to achieve certain goals quite often contradict each other and there are many compromises which must be taken. For example, in order to create a message which will be reached and understood by a large number of people, a trade off often has to be made with the content of the message by omitting ideas or oversimplifying them. In order to target one particular demographic, issues may need to be addressed which may not be of as much concern to another demographic. Other conflicts can arise when there is a difference between what a particular movement wants to achieve, and with the main concerns of the general public. This often results in attempts to justify the movements aims by attempting to demonstrate how the movements primary concern tie in with the concerns of the general public. Nationalists for instance will argue that their particular style of nationalism will also result in certain economic benefits and will remove other economic and social pressures.

One example of another dichotomy and apparent contradiction is whether to promote nationalism as a reaction to contemporary problems, or as a new social and national order which is not necessarily a reaction to a particular crisis. Both these approaches have their merit and usefulness and the nature of both approaches will be further elucidated.

Reactionary nationalism

Reactionary nationalism can be loosely defined as nationalistic sentiment which has been created in response to a particular social change or crisis. It is important to differentiate between reactionary nationalistic sentiment which has arisen in response to a particular experience, and nationalistic sentiment which has always more or less existed in a dormant form but has been aroused in response to a perceived problem. These two situations, while superficially appearing similar, that is to say, both individuals have become more politically active in response to a situation, are still fundamentally different. The difference lies in the psychology of the individuals and the motivation which has spurned them to action.

Reactionary nationalism, or behaviour which appears to be nationalistic, is probably the most common form of nationalism. It is also not uncommon for such behaviour to be misconstrued as greater sense of awareness of the underlying issues which have led to a particular crisis. However such knee jerk nationalism often lacks a more solid ideological basis or a sense of belief or conviction which has arisen as a conclusion to personal enquiry. It is an emotional form of nationalism which is fueled by an almost instinctual response to protect ones interests. This is not however, the primary reason why such sentiment fails to spread to any siginificant degree or sustain itself as a long term movement. The Cronulla riots served as a good example of this, being a localised and short lived, but nevetheless explosive expression of nationalist sentiment, an uprising . A few important points need to be made about the events at Cronulla.

Firstly, the sentiment which led to the riots had been present for quite some time beforehand. There had been allegations circulating around the local area that groups of 'middle eastern youths' on the beach had asked white women wearing bikinis to "cover up", along with allegations of harassment such as spitting in food and general intimidating behaviour which had been going on for several years. It has been claimed that these alleged incidents are what prompted retaliation by locals. It was also alleged that five life guards from North Cronulla were attacked by 'youths of middle eastern origin. (1)

Secondly, the riot, although marked as 'racist' by the media, was clearly targetted at “Middle Easterners”, that is primarily Lebanese, but NOT against other races such as Asians or Indians. The targets were nationalities that were deemed as problematic and troublesome and other races seemed to have been largely ignored.

Thirdly, despite efforts by a few to the contrary, the riot was largely seen as embarrasing, disgusting and a source of national shame. While some Australians were able to identify with social issues that manifest themselves in neighbourhoods that have a Muslim Lebanese presence, for the most part they disagreed with rioters.

It should be noted that even though the riot appeared nationalistic, youths toting the Australian flag, wanting to take control of their community and turning against the liberal agenda of social pluralism and multiracial assimilation, there was still very little, if any, of a developed nationalist sentiment. Would such people who may object to race X having a presence in Australia, accept race Y because race Y is less prone to antagonistic behaviour? Would many of the rioters who express disdain about the presence of Lebanese, express the same disdain about the presence of Chinese? Would they consider Asian assimilation and intermarriage as acceptable, or even desirable? There would probably be quite heated debate on this issue. As a side note, while the term “Lebanese” is commonly used, it should be noted that there are both Christian and Muslim Lebanese. The term “Lebanese” when used in such situation like this, or with the gang rapes in Sydney implies that it refers quite specifically to Muslim Lebanese, and not to all Lebanese in general. An overlooked apsect of Cronulla was that the 'racial' friction may not have been so much due to friction between “Aussies” and “Lebs” but probably more accurately between European Christians and Muslims.

The media following the riot beat up the issue. The left attributed it to “nationalism” making the incorrect implication that ALL forms of nationalism take on this particular form and that such rioting is the natural result of any nationalistic sentiment. Quick conclusions were drawn that this was due to xenophobia, but as stated earlier, why target Lebanese specifically (Lebanese Muslims)?

Nationalism in a true sense does not necessarily take this form. Nationalism, as the idea that a country, or a state or any community should consist of a group of people more or less ethnically or racially similar, sharing more or less the same cultural heritage is quite different to 'reactionary nationalism' which may only consider this notion as a solution to the problem of troublesome foreigners, rather than as an ends in itself. A nation does not take a prescribed form, nor need to be formally defined. The etymology of the word nation implies that nation refers to ethnicity, to ancestry, and not merely to being a citizen of a particular country, or a subject to a particular monarchy.

To many who express nationalistic sentiment, the ideal of a nation respresenting a rather specific cultural and ethnic/racial group is secondary to the ideal of removing percieved problematic ethnic groups. The New Right however, hold the view that dealing with troublesome ethnic groups is secondary to securing our own nation and protecting our own cultural identity.

Much of how nationalism is perceived is due to the actions of reactionary nationalists, who are nationalists more in name than actions. Because these nationalists have used racial friction as the primary, or in some cases, the sole mechanism by which their nationalism is expressed, the media have found it all too easy to make 'nationalism' synonymous with racial intolerance and bigotry. In public discourse, it is an unwritten assumption that nationalistic behaviour is largely xenophobic and isolationist in nature. Because most people do not subscribe to such ideals, nor wish to categorise themselves in this manner, unless some siginificant crisis comes along, reactionary nationalism will continue to remain the domain of a minority.

The difference here, although subtle, is vitally important. A true nationalist movement subscribes to the core ideals of nationalism and seeks to promote the ideals, rather than what some people percieve as being necessary to beat the path towards national salvation. A true nationalistic movement is an inwards looking one. One that seeks to better the state of ones own folk, and in parallel, allow others to better run, independantly, their own nations. It is about folk running their own nation, for the expression and preservation of their own culture, their own race or ethnicity. To paraphrase the constitution, a nation by the people, FOR the people. A state which isn't detached from those which created it, but rather a state which is an expression of that unique subgroup, that unique expression of the human species which at that time and place.

Nationalism as a positive movement

There is a great deal of potential within the movement to further promote and exploit the positive aspects of nationalism. That is, those aspects of nationalism which would be appealing to the general public and which would lead to positive associations with a nationalist movement rather than negative associations.

Currently, a lot of the focus of nationalist propaganda is on either social problems, or on an impending and perhaps unjustified sense of doom. Pauline Hanson in her maiden parliamentary speech said “I believe we are in danger of being swamped by Asians. Between 1984 and 1995, 40 % of all migrants coming into this country were of Asian origin. They have their own culture and religion, form ghettos and do not assimilate.” (2) While her point may have been factually valid, nevertheless this statement was one that, whether justified or not, defined the One Nation party in the eyes of Australians. The image that was created of One Nation, was that it was full of people who were xenophobic, who were full of fear and who wanted to resist change and 'social progress'. Many other nationalist parties are seen this way, at best.

A hypothetical party, which would define themselves as being a solution to the problem of ghettos, street violence and protestations and demands from immigrants would gain support from secondary nationalists who wish to resolve this problem. But for many others, a sub conscious association is made between this party and racial problems and a xenophobic attitude. If this party focused on attacking the 'other' then in turn, they portay themselves as attackers and lose appeal to those who don't hold belligerent attitudes. The party does not even need to focus on attacking the 'other', as any vaguely nationalist party will be accused by the liberal media of being xenophobic and holding racially polemic ideals. As seen with the One Nation party, the image that a party which sets out to appeal to nationalists has, and the extent of their views, as percieved by the public, is more of a construct of the media, than the party. Such a party, which might touch on issues that multiracialism brings will be made out to appear not all that different from a party which focuses on such issues and proposes drastic countermeasures. The charges that were laid against One Nation led them


Making a nationalist movement appear as a positive contribution to the existing nation is not so much a matter of taking a more 'moderate' approach but rather taking a different approach entirely. By doing so, one can help bypass the inevitable mudslinging , namecalling and distortion of truth that most nationalist parties that lean to the right must wear by not appearing to follow the same paradigms and approaches of old.

The different approach comes, not from simply changing tactics, but from a fundamental and deep seated change from within the movement. It comes, not from attacking others in a more sophisticated way, but in coming to a realisation that true nationalism is not about fighting the other, but in promoting the welfare of ones own nation. A realisation that the problems that face us, is not a simple matter of 'us vs them', but rather it is a deeper problem concerning the way people see their relationship with others, with their country, with others countries and with other cultures. It is the fundamental changes in how people see humanity and the function of the state which leads to problems that reactionary nationalists rebel against.

Why Nationalism is good

Consider the average suburbanite. Perhaps the one who is employed full time, has a house, mortgage, children and bills. Much of his time is dedicated to that job or jobs, those bills, that mortgage and the children. Perhaps there is awareness and concern of larger issues, such as the state of the Earths environment, wars, poverty but by and large, for the large majority of people, their primary expectation from those who govern them are to facilitate thier endeavours in their more immediate environment and circumstances. The idea of having organic societies, a protected cultural heritage or a nation state which exists for the people, rather than viewing the people as a resource is far removed from interest rates, petrol prices, workplace bargaining agreements or local crime. While there might be concerns which have been taken up by nationalists, why should most people care?

Living in a diverse society leads to alienation. More and more people are finding themselves in communities where their neighbours are less and less familiar. More people are living in communities which don't resemble those that they grew up in. Many Australians can remember homogenous suburbs where they grew up, where children were trusted to play on the streets and where there was little gang mentality. They can remember streets not being so crowded and jammed with cars, less competition for housing and space and the sense that there was one country, one culture. Many can remember when it would have been considered ridiculous to even entertain the notion that outward displays of Christianity or Western culture might be socially troublesome. Sure there were quite a few different European ethnicities who may not have necessarily received a red carpet introduction. Even immigrant English weren't spared, but the similarities were enough to facilitate a form of assimilation which didn't necessitate redefining the host nation. In moving away from an organic, relatively racially and culturally homogenous society, people have been asked, forced, or coerced into making more and more concessions to accommodate the social experiement that is the pluralistic state. The extent of the sacrifices that Australians have made in order to facilitate this liberal social experiment perhaps isn't clearly understood and could be one of the underlying reasons why the program of continued multiracialism, individualisation and economisation of the country is continuing unabated. Younger people may not even be able to remember back far enough to have a solid frame of reference as to how much Australia, and Western nations have changed since liberalism has taken root.

Despite the overall acceptance of the direction that the western world is heading, and the opposition and criticism that the New Right or National Anarchists might receive, there is nevertheless still an undercurrent of dissatisfaction and a desire to return to simpler times that still exists. It seems that it is the younger generation who are becoming more politically incorrect in their outlook rather than the older ones. Rebellion still exists, but rather than rebellion against conservatism as witnessed in the 1960's, it is a rebellion against something different entirely, against ideas perpertrated by the original revolutionaries. Unlike the 1960's where people didn't live in the societies that they were advocating, people today, who are living with the results of liberalism hold a sense of dissatisfaction with it. Despite education, indoctrination, the Politically Correct thought police and other influences, there still is a strong sense of scepticism about it all. It seems that many natural tendancies, desires and wishes cannot be eradicated or indoctrinated out of people. Even those who cannot remember a time before oppressive Political Correctness, are still capable of sensing the social injustice it involves and the double standards. Nature always triumphs in the end.

A nationalist movement which wants to put forward a positive image, doesn't necessarily have to avoid any mention of gang violence or ethnic marginalisation. It can make references to these, but it shouldn't project itself as existing merely for the purposes of dealing with these issues. It shouldn't do so, because a true nationalist movement simply wouldn't exist primarily for these purposes in the first place. It would be more productive to put forward positive imagery, to project the same goals and desires as everyone else. For instance, rather then focus on the problems of certain groups within certain suburbs, it would be more productive to convey the notion of a suburb which is peaceful, where everyone looks like they belong there and feel as if they are home. A society where there is no need to be careful of what one says, or be careful of expressing ones culture. One where everyone is able to understand and connect with others, having knowledge of the same national history and being aware of cultural nuances. It is hard for anyone to argue against such a society or such a goal. Other positives would be a sense of ownership over ones nation. Rather than being an citizen who must deal with the wishes of those who take it upon themselves to engineer the nation, being a citizen who has a sense of ownership over their own community and nation. A country owned by Australians and being run on behalf of Australians, rather than the situation as it is today, a nation run by the incumbent government for it's own interests, the interests of big business and of pressure groups. Most people do not necessarily endorse this situation, but they must be made aware that it does not have to be so.

Putting a positive spin on nationalism isn't just about avoiding criticism and creating touchy feel good policies, but in also altering the perception that people have of nationalism at a more subconscious level. One propaganda technique used quite frequently by the media, is to create subconscious connections in peoples minds between two unrelated objects or emotions. For instance, 'nationalists' are often depicted in conjunction with overt displays of assertiveness, stubborness and in a manner which make them appear reactionary, unthinking and simple minded intolerant bigots. Even though there is no solid argument to the accusations, the repeated exposure to the name or image of the particular party or group in conjuction with exposure to images and concepts which make people uncomfortable creates an almost pavlovial response. For instance, SBS news had a segment on an anti immigration protest in Moscow, mostly attented by your average citizen, many middle aged and older. This segment was followed seamlessly and without breaking stride at all, into an unrelated story on neo-nazis in Russia. Do this repeatedly, and the viewer then associates one with the other, even though there is no direct link between the two. In a similar manner, newspaper stories regarding the September 11 attacks would often include within the article a paragraph or two on Iraq about some unrelated issue. When party X always puts out leaflets which predict doom and gloom, social upheaval and worst case scenarios, despite the legitimacy of the argument, party X will be viewed through the lens it has created. It's policies, it ideologies will be distorted by the very image and associations it has created for itself. It is the context of the message, rather than the message itself which will determine what kind of people are drawn to it. The image one project of oneself, gives others the prism which they will see you through with.

Positive nationalism is about creating positive connections. Rather than always putting forward ideas which seem confrontational and uncomfortable, positive images should be put out. When people think of the New Right, they should automatically associate NR or NA with positive thoughts and desires, which in turn leads to a positive opinion of the New Right. Doing so associates one with more nostalgic images and gives people legitimate reason to support the party or movement. A movement which seeks to create and bring about that which people wish for, that which makes people more comfortable and content, will enjoy greater support than a movement which does not offer anything like this.

A movement which focuses on the positives of organic, homogenous societies, and the benefits that this kind of society will bring about for people and their children will resonate more with the general population than a movement which is frantic and whose message is dire. One which is incapable of eloquently describing a more inclusive society which uplifts people and offers a more meaningful existance will have little recourse to defend itself when attacked as being extermists and fringe dwellers.

The BNP have enjoyed success with their efforts to get involved in the local community, and take care of issues that the government has neglected. While there is little strategic value in the outcome of the work, the BNP are working towards portraying themselves as people dedicated to the community, who do not ignore the little man and who understand peoples concerns. Community events hosted by the BNP not only bring people together, but also keep alive the spirit of community and of ones belonging to that community. Despite what the BNP actually stand for, their precense at such events creates a positive link in peoples mind. When they think of family events and community action they will think of the BNP, and as such will think of community, family events and political party people who listen and care when they think of the BNP.

This strategy seems to have has some success. When the RSPCA office in Chippenham Road in Harold Hill was closed, local residents turned to the British National Party to ask for help. A deputation approached Mark Logan, the BNP councillor for Gooshays ward on Havering Council, and asked him if he could do anything to get the office opened again. (3) Having demonstrated their political capabilities and proven themselves as positive nationalists, residents disenchanted with the system have recognised the BNP as a real, and more importantly, viable alternative as a party and as a local action group.

This also offers a degree of protection against criticism from opponents. One can oppose a catalogue of policies and ideals, but when those ideals resonate with people, it becomes much harder to offer constructive criticism. Political Correctness has relied on this in order to stifle any opposition. By simply claiming to be against intolerance, hate, violence, bigotry and injustice, rather than extolling the virtues of social marxism, it has given itself a great deal of immunity to opposition. How, after all, can one rationally put forward an objection to fighting intolerance, racial hatred and genocide? If they were to argue that society should adopt Marxist ideals and the destruction of national identity, it leaves the door open for constructive criticism and legitimate opposition. But by framing their agenda in terms of 'fighting hatred', by showing images of oppressed, delicate and downtrodden blacks, by being for abstract ideals which are almost universally desired, it has been able to silence opposition by simple stating that they are for bigotry, violence and hatred. By linking national identity with hatred, racial intolerance and facism, people became much more receptive to attacks in national identity, as nationalism was now seen as a barrier towards tolerance and harmony around the world. Of course, this is not true, and is miles away from the real issue, but nevertheless is highlights how people attach to the sentiments that a movement expresses, rather than the political and ideological details. Most people who accept modern democratic liberal states do it, not because of some deep understanding of the philosophy behind it, but because they associate multicultural liberal democracies with ideals like 'tolerance', 'freedom', 'understanding of other cultures'.

One does not have to oppose 'tolerance', 'freedom', or 'understanding of other cultures' when advocating a nationalist state, but merely demonstrate how they are more tolerant, offer more freedom and more respect for other cultures than modern day liberalism. It serves little purpose to put down 'left wing' ideals as feel good do-gooderism because most people actually DO want to feel good and to do good, and there is nothing wrong with that if done thoughfully. It serves little purpose to criticise opponents as being bleeding heart softies because most people DO have a sense of compassion. This approach finds a limited audience.

Positive nationalism isn't about criticising the motives of those who seek to better get along with other cultures and end ethnic conflict, but rather in taking those concerns, recognising them and channeling them into a movement which is better suited to these ends. For instance, one who supports the plight of the Tibetans might be shrugged off as a 'bleeding heart' and cast aside by the more traditional right wingers. Positive nationalism is about reaffirming that idea that cultures and peoples have the right to self determination and applying it to ALL peoples, INCLUDING those of European descent. Not only should the Tibetans have a right to a nation where they can practice their own culture and not be outpopulated by others, but even YOU should live as they do, in a more organic, cultured society. Parallels can be drawn and just as the Tibetans wish for their own identity to be preserved, this sense of belonging and identity should be encouraged in others. After all, a nationalist is a nationalist, and one who carries out a similar struggle elsewhere is an ally and not a foe simply because they are not part of our nation.

Someone who says “Muslims Out!” can be opposed very easily. Someone who is arguing that the nation should be run by the people, for the people and that the people should be able to practice their own culture and preserve their own identity will encounter much less opposition. That is not to say they will encounter none, as there will always be opposition from political fringes. If like the BNP people within a movement are setting up community events, helping the public and taking care of peoples concerns, it becomes much more difficult for people to oppose the group or movement and still stay on side. After all, if the movement is positive, seems beneficial and is offering much to you and your children, then you are less likely to take opposition to it seriously or consider them as being legitimately interested in you.

One has to ask themselves the question how one can be a nationalist and oppose other cultures and races. Nationalism is an international affair, an idea which isn't specific to one nation, but represents an ordering of all nations. True nationalism can not exist in isolation, as an island amongst countries with differing and possibly hostile ideologies.

A positive and productive force

Framing New Right ideals in a manner which seem attractive to the general public and difficult to oppose without seeming negative and heartless is more of a political strategy than a new direction for the movement. Only a movement which truly represents and believes in it's own ideology can be successful in carrying that movement forward. Liberalism has its own ideological foundation which to most people would appear dry, academic, irrelevant. But it also has its public face, it's public espression of its ideals which are big on sentiment and short on rationale. It is because of this sentiment that Political Correctness and liberalism has become so ingrained in the psyche of many people. This strategy was it's key to success, just like many other movement before it. Nationalist movements, whether it is the New Right or National Anarchism need to present themselves to the general public not as a set of ideologies and philosophies, but rather as a positive and productive force which carries with it promise for the improvement of the nation and of the state of affairs in general. It is an important strategy, and one that is necessary in creating a grassroots movement whose ideas spread and are adopted en masse. It is a strategy that can only be successfully carried out with a deep seated conviction and acceptance of a more positive nationalism.

The New Right/National Anarchists have not only attended demos, but held community days, supported resident action groups and some NR/NA activists are members of the SES and the volunteer fire brigade, assisting the community in a positive and tangible way.

A movement must inspire hope, have vision of something better and some means by which to attain it, rather than have merely negative visions of the future which the movement is supposedly working to avoid. It must be productive, creative, novel, inspiring and appeal to peoples base instincts and wishes. A nationalist movement must convey the image of the type of nation that it seeks to create, and present this image to people as a better alternative. It must not denounce liberalism for appealing to base instincts, but rather out-do liberalism by showing itself as being even MORE tolerant, respectful of cultures. It must show how it is more about protecting culture than those who claim to respect culture. Not only do we think that all peoples have their right to live in their own autonomous states free from global assimilation, but we extend this to ourselves, a concept that one is hardpressed to oppose without coming across as a hypocrit. Not only do we oppose the outpopulation of Tibetans, or the disappearance of cultures around the world due to global corporatism, but we oppose outpopulation of anyone ANYWHERE, or the dehumanising sterile economisation of ANY society ANYWHERE. Many other who preach tolerance and respect for other cultures however, have no issue in Western peoples being marginalised or having their racial and ethnic heritage lost to a globalist agenda. Carefully done, the New Right and National Anarchists can demonstrate that they hold up ideals of tolerance and a respect fo human diversity to a greater degree of integrity than those who claim to be champions of tolerance and diversity. This isn't about trying to be more pious than the pope, but in putting forward a movement which is far truer to these goals than the movement which has become the status quo, which is replete with hypocrisy, double standards and supremacism.

The New Right attended the torch relay in Canberra carrying a banner bearing the slogan “We are all Tibetans”. The New Right attended, not as nationalists purely acting in the interests of their own nation, but as nationalists supporting the very ideals of nationalist. The plight the Tibetans face, facing “ethnic seeding” by Han Chinese mirrors that of the Western world, where the changing demography is used as a hammer blow against western nations and western culture. Nationalists in Tibet, fighting to secure their own culture and ethnic heritage, are carrying out a struggle which parallels those of westerners fighting to secure their own culture and heritage. Such nationalists are not rivals, or natural opponents, but rather allies fighting against the same homogenising, globalist agenda.

Conclusion

Positive nationalism, that is, a nationalist movement which put forward positive ideals and offers carrots rather than extolling the virtues of using the stick is a vital strategy in the efforts of propagating a grassroots movement. By putting forward flyers, posters and writings which offer better, more desirable alternatives and by taking part in activism which has clear and visible benefits, one can create an association between the movement and positive thoughts and feelings in the minds of others. Rather than being associated with fear, doom and conflict, one can build associations in the minds of others between their movement and more positive thoughts and outcomes. This will colour peoples view of the movement and of the people who take part in the movement. The people who take part in the movement will not be seen as reactionary troublemakers, but as enlightened, thoughtful and positive individuals who are in touch with peoples desires, their concerns and wishes.

It must come, not from merely a change in propaganda but through and honest desire to fulfill this form of nationalism. Those who wish to promote such a form of nationalism, must themselves become such nationalists.

A simple example would be defending the rights of people to express Christmas greetings rather than immediately jumping on minorities as the reason that displays of Christianity are kept sedate. While one cannot tackle the issue of the emerging taboo of saying “Merry Christmas” without addressing how multiculturalism has lead to the problem, the focus nevertheless should be on what the solution would lead to, rather than the problem. No one would have ever thought in the 50's or 60's that a little extra tolerance of the changes brought about by liberalism would lead to many suburbs changing their demographically so drastically, or entire suburbs or even cities having a natural born Australians being the minority. But nevertheless, this is the case because people accepted the premise and therefore accepted the movement, even though there was never a clear understanding of what was really being tried to achive. Likewise, even though many in the movement remain sceptical, and rightly so about peoples acceptance of what the New Right or National Anarchism might need to do to implement it's ideals. The first step must still be taken, and that first step is the acceptance of what NR/NA stands for. For many people, that do not accept the New Right because they do not understand what it is about. NA/NR is metapolitical, it is neither right nor left, but rather, it challenges established political dogmas. When people have accepted and embraced what a movment stands for, and what it is trying to achieve, the political climate then changes, and the implementation of those changes, which might have seemed impossible before, can now take place.


(1) BBC TV channel 2 UK television program "This World", 7.00 to 7.30 pm, Thursday 14 June 2007
(2) http://www.australian-news.com.au/maiden_speech.htm
(3) http://www.bnp.org.uk/2008/06/bnp-battle-to-keep-a-rspca-office-open/

*Dennis Kastro is a new contributor to the New Right Australia / New Zealand website. He can be contacted through sydneyinfo@newrightausnz.com

Humour as a Weapon

By Andreas Faust


This article has been researched and compiled for the purposes of educating New Right and N-A activists in the use of humour as a political weapon. There is a paranoid feeling amongst many on the New Right that the mass media is our greatest enemy. Not so. This article looks at the ways in which activists can use and manipulate the media, rather than the other way around.

As an example: mention the 1932 opening of the Sydney Harbour Bridge to any older Australian, and the first image that will spring to their mind is a man on horseback, galloping forward to slash the ribbon with his sword, before the 'official' representative could get to it. The swordsman was a member of a political group called the New Guard. And while this stunt was not especially humorous, it was certainly eye-catching – it remains in the mass mind to this day. In that same city in 2007, the crew of television show The Chaser made world headlines when they infiltrated the APEC forum (one of them dressed as Osama bin Laden), making a complete mockery of the forum's expensive security measures.

In general, the media doesn't give coverage to alternative politics (the recent 9/11 Truth Forum in Sydney was completely ignored, even though one of the speakers was a prominent Japanese MP). But 'fringe' views can get past the editors if they are presented by means of some humorous prank or stunt. Humour equals saleability...it's as simple as that. People like to laugh, and the editors know it. For the mass media, the dollar is the bottom line...and the skilled prankster can actually make this work in his or her favour. A prankster called Mark Pauline claimed that “the media can never deny coverage to a good spectacle. No matter how ridiculous, absurd, insane or illogical something is, if it achieves a certain identity as a spectacle, the media has to deal with it.” In other words, instead of letting the mainstream media pigeonhole and stereotype them, activists using humour and spectacle can turn this around and actually use the media.

This was confirmed by a spokesman for the environmental group EarthFirst!: “The media need stories – they want to run them, especially the television media. What they don't want is some meeting or run-of-the-mill visual situation they've seen a million times before. You give them something different and they actually get excited about working on the story.” Perhaps (shock horror!) it might even lead to greater accuracy in their reporting.

Humour also wins favour with the common man in the street. Stridency and self-righteousness turn people off – but humour can get them on side. It's considered 'cute', and could even help you attract the opposite sex. As punk singer Jello Biafra said, “historically the 'Merry Prankster' has had a lot more to look forward to than the humourless politico who sits around moaning about 'the struggle'.” And trickster characters have a rich history in mythology and literature.
Targets for political pranks are rife – for instance, the legions of pseudo-left academics who condemn 'privilege' and praise 'globalism' whilst making over $100,000 a year. The obnoxious billboards of Benettons are just begging to be creatively altered, as are posters for phoney humanitarians such as the rock group U2. I remember seeing footage of U2 on the news a few years ago when they were touring Australia. Bono, the singer, was here to lecture people about giving more money to Africa. Then the cameras showed the band members leaving the airport – in four separate limousines! One limo just wasn't enough. For the cost of a stretch limo you could probably feed an African village for twenty years. The band are currently engaged in trying to build a skyscraper in Dublin – an act of cultural vandalism if there ever was one.

U2 have already been the target of an amusing prank in the past. A band called Negativeland put out a CD entitled 'U2', with the name prominently featured on the cover so people would think it was a U2 album. When people took it home and put it on, they found it was a recording of someone insulting and attacking U2! The bloated multi-millionaires failed to see the funny side and (predictably) sued Negativeland.

A punk band called CRASS (posing as Creative Recording and Sound Services) managed to get some tacky music (with subversive lyrics) inserted as a flexidisc into a bestselling teenage bride magazine. CRASS also leaked a faked conversation between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan discussing the possibilities of launching a nuclear war. The conversation was spliced together from radio and TV statements, but was taken seriously by the media and caused an uproar.

When the US Forestry Service (responsible for a lot of old growth logging) put on a 'Smokey the Bear' birthday party for 300 children, an EarthFirst! activist hired a Smokey the Bear costume and walked through the crowd handing out anti-logging flyers. The kids were treated to the bizarre spectacle of the rangers trying to arrest Smokey at his own birthday! This made front page headlines the next day.

A media prankster called Joey Skaggs tricked a room full of journalists and news readers (including some famous ones) into getting down on their hands and knees and roaring like lions. He simply issued fake press releases, pretending to be a trendy new therapist called 'Baba Wa Simba' (the Lion King), and the journalists fell for it hook, line and sinker. The journalists were induced to take part in 'roaring sessions', which many reported on positively afterwards. People can be fooled into believing almost anything if it's seen to emanate from some 'official' quarter. There are no end to the ways in which consensus reality can be manipulated.

Websites are also fair game. A musician from a band called Feederz once set up a site parodying CNN. To add authenticity, when someone clicked on the masthead they would be taken back to the real CNN site. As a result, some of his fake stories actually found their way into mainstream papers. It was seriously reported that Saddam Hussein was training suicide camels, and that he had plans to blow up Pearl Harbour!

A group called the Yes Men set up a fake website for Dow Chemical. On the anniversary of the Bhopal disaster (where thousands were killed by chemical contamination in Bhopal, India) they were contacted by the BBC (who thought they were genuine representatives of Dow), and proceeded to give a statement saying that Dow claimed responsibility for the disaster and were now going to do something about it. Because of this the real Dow was embarrassed into cleaning up the mess.

A group called the Cacophony Society once held a fake welcoming party for a new Starbucks, which seemed to praise Starbucks while actually ridiculing everything they stood for. A member of the group spoke of the successful nature of this strategy “where you pretend to side with the thing you really hate. It makes it hard for the subject of the protest to get rid of you.” Similarly, the aforementioned Yes Men have done speaking tours claiming to represent the World Trade Organisation. Taking WTO logic to its ultimate conclusion, they delivered lectures with messages like 'sweatshops are great'. The same tactic could easily be employed by nationalists or National-Anarchists. For instance, a nationalist posing as a pro-multiculturalist could get invited onto a public forum, and then give a speech saying that “multiculturalism is great, because it causes social alienation and helps advance our ideal of a rootless global population, more easily herded into line...”

Obnoxious advertising billboards are excellent targets for humorous or creative political statements. A group called the Billboard Liberation Front, established in 1977, have published a handy guide for billboard alteration at: http://www.billboardliberation.com/guidebook.html When doing a prank like this in an area with surveillance cameras, it might be an idea for the prankster to wear some kind of ridiculous disguise.

Pranks can also be played on establishment politicians. Once when Richard Nixon was giving a speech from a stationary train, someone put on a conductor's cap and waved the train out of the station with Nixon still in mid-speech. A Texas politician called Tim Moore highlighted the way in which representatives often pass bills without even understanding the content, by convincing his fellow pollies to pass a motion commending one Albert de Salvo (actually the Boston Strangler).

Pranksters can even run for office. Local elections are easy to run in, and candidates with a humorous platform often attract a protest vote from those who are sick of the lies of the mainstream candidates. When Jello Biafra ran for mayor of San Francisco, one of his policies required all corporate businessmen to wear clown suits between the hours of nine and five. He finished fourth out of ten candidates – quite a respectable result.

The contemporary art world is also ripe for satire. Australia has a well-known history of literary pranks, including the Ern Malley hoax, where two writers created a fictitious modernist 'poet' to expose what they saw (rightly or wrongly) as the shallow nature of literary modernism. Another one was the Wanda Koolmatrie hoax, where a writer called Leon Carmen posed as an aboriginal woman in order to get his book published, thereby illustrating the biases inherent in the publishing industry.

In Austria, a group of artists who wanted to expose the pretensions of the art world created a non-existent writer called Georg Paul Thomann, and it actually worked. Newspaper articles were written about him because he was perceived to be a 'somebody'...even though he was fictional and his work was non-existent! This fake 'artist' was even chosen to represent Austria at a world art fair.

An artist called Jeffrey Vallance couldn't get a major gallery to show his work, so he bought a number of power point wall sockets from the hardware shop, and covered them with his art. Then he went around the art gallery in a tradesman's outfit and replaced all the wall sockets with his own ones. Next he printed up programs, and invited his friends to view his work on the art gallery wall sockets. He sent a program to the art gallery itself – and they were so shocked they didn't do anything about it. The employees hushed it up, in case they got in trouble! The wall sockets weren't removed, and it was only two years later that they were finally painted over.

Schwaller de Lubicz defined magic as “the science of the right gesture, the right word, at the right moment.” That is what a successful prank is – an act of magic. I hope this short article has provided suggestive ideas for anti-global activists of all stripes, whether National-Anarchist or otherwise.

Hail to the clowns.

Andreas Faust is a Tasmanian writer affiliated with the New Right. He can be contacted at stringybark_creek@hotmail.com

People Before Profits

By a comrade present

The global May Day events by workers the world over stand for the rights of the people to determine their own destiny as workers or students, it also stands against Corporations and Government standing over working families struggling to make a living. To demonstrate our support for a fair go for Australian workers, some local National-Anarchists decided to mobilise in the Melbourne CBD and join the planned march.

We had discussed our aims and tactics a week or so previous to the date of action and comrades were designated tasks. Our banner was designed and made with the help of a local fabric business and read “People Before Profits,” the people are more than worker bee’s or economic beings, we have an identity and spirit much deeper than our careers or petty consumerism.

Once the day arrived, we met at a designated location with time before the march to discuss in more detail what our “plan of action” would be. The conversation became more casual as we waited for the neo-Communist and Unionist groups to begin their march from Trades Hall. Our main goal was to make a presence representing National-Anarchist ideas in support of struggling working folk, our secondary aim fell in line with the Strategy of Tension; showing the traditional Left that they no longer had a monopoly on their sacred May Day and we have as much a right as they do to march.

As 2pm came we heard the drums and chants of the roughly 400 Unionists and Communists; we dressed in our National-Anarchist uniforms, prepared our banner and waited for the right time to join the march. As the last of the marchers passed us, we entered Swanston St in single file and held our banner up for all to see.

As we entered in behind the marchers, two mounted police officers asked what our intentions were and why our faces were covered; our designated police liaison explained that we cover our faces to protect us from the persecution of the other political groups and our intentions was to hold a peaceful march like everyone else. The police seemed to have no dispute in us expressing our right to protest and we continued on ahead.

We continued to march down Swanston behind a “Your Rights at Work” van that held the rear of the Unionist contingent. We flew the banner of National-Anarchism for all passersby to see. We were the targets of many photographs from intrigued pedestrians and we received some positive feedback about our slogan. It is a definite that the New Right Aus/NZ website received some extra hits later in the day.

It was at this time that Anthony Main from the UNITE union noticed our presence and suddenly got all angry at us being around. He went and exercised his civic duty of informing the police [of the Government, which he hates?] that we have no right to march on a public street in Melbourne and that they need to move us on. He then made it his business to begin abusing our cameraman, trying to get in his face, spitting his venomous hatred as later described by our camera wielding comrade. Anthony came across as a very angry and hateful man, threatening us with the “construction heavies” further up, he reckons they’d come down and “give us a hiding.” Why not do it yourself, big man?

Despite the aggressive abuse from Main, our determined activists kept on marching; we would not bow to the demands of some angry, egotistical leftist. Despite the peaceful marching from our group, in contrast to the abusive demeanor of our opposition, it was the police that instructed us to leave. We accepted the lawful request from the police; we left the marching column and honourably left the scene, having achieved both of our aims for the day.

We moved to another location to take more photos of our banner and we discussed the previous half hour of excitement. The National-Anarchists had once again taken our message to the street and once again, as at APEC, we had exposed the hypocrisy of the so-called left. The left has since the beginning labeled any group critical of their own as intolerant, fascist and hateful, yet we exposed quite plainly the insidious hatred behind the average leftist.

During our debrief and photo taking session, some young passersby asked us what we were about and were quick to join us for a group photo in support, perhaps the next lot of National-Anarchist recruits for the next demonstration.

Soon enough our objectives were complete, the group left in separate directions and a good day of National-Anarchist activism was had by all.

We are all Tibetans now

by someone who was there

The Olympic torch relay held in Canberra on the 24th April reflected in miniature the cultural and ethnic situation of both the Tibetans and the West in general. In an act of solidarity with the Tibetan people, the National Anarchists attended the torch relay ceremony in black bloc to show our active support for their cause.

Even on the trip down to Canberra the orchestrated nature of the Chinese presence was obvious; not only were there contingents of cars making their way down to Canberra to show support for China, we saw dozens of hired coach-loads of Chinese as well.

Once we arrived in Canberra itself we saw a city inundated with marching columns of massed Chinese, decked out in red and waving the communist flag – five golden-yellow stars (each with five points) in the upper left corner. Entire street corners were filled with assembling Chinese stretching in long columns up the streets.

We gathered together and met up with up local supporters from Canberra. We went to the appointed starting point for the torch ceremonies at Reconciliation Park in front of Old Parliament House. Along the way it was already apparent that the Chinese would dwarf any show of dissent or opposition to its ‘sovereignty’ over Tibet, muting the political impact any such opposition would have.

When we arrived at Reconciliation Park the hills were swarming on both sides with Chinese nationalists. The hills were fenced off with only narrow entry points supervised by police. We gained entrance easily enough and proceeded to look for a location to set up our banner. Immediately upon unfurling our banner, ‘WE ARE ALL TIBETANS’, the police then told us, ‘This area is not for you’, and proceeded to hustle us out. We were placed outside the perimeter of the gates, but with a good view of the entire ceremony. There were so many Chinese on the hills that it looked like a scene from the Cultural Revolution, with massed crowds waving red flags. To the Tibetans and the other protestors, it was an awesome display of force.

Experienced activists know that the media’s approval or disapproval of a cause is shown by how they inflate or deflate the numbers of protestors present, depending on their support for that cause. The cause with approval gets a good number (sometime double or more the real figure of those present), the cause with disapproval gets a greatly reduced number, if it is reported at all. On this occasion however it was in the interests of the liberal media to downplay the numbers of the Chinese – to avoid Australians realizing the frightening amount of organized aliens in their midst. Contrary to media reports of there being only 10,000 Chinese supporters in Canberra on this occasion, the actually figure would have to be well over 20,000 – and it showed.

Our newly taken-up area outside the perimeter became the scene of our first confrontation with the Chinese nationalists and their ‘supporters’. Just as at APEC, the police were unable to see the importance of our masks in preserving our identities. In China, the communist State and its minions oppress dissent and signs of intellectual independence especially if it has political implications. So too in Australia we here have enemies protected by the liberal State who seek to harm us as individuals – the Australian communists. One of our members was actually forced to reveal his face to the police. This was one of the first signs of the less than professional approach taken by police on the day. Despite this, we were permitted to keep our masks on.

We set up our banner at this new location and while some of us held the banner towards the massed Chinese crowd, others handed out material to by-passers and anyone interested. We certainly stood out from the crowd, and our clear message of support for Tibet was immediately seized upon by both the media present and the Chinese nationalists swamping the hill. Almost immediately the Chinese spotted us and a regiment of a hundred or more broke off from the main host and flocked en masse towards us. Shouting, ‘One China!’, ‘Liar, Liar!’, ‘You have no face!’, as well as many incomprehensible slogans in excited Mandarin. They were extremely agitated and exulting in their numbers, their nationalist fervour (long hidden from public view) exploded into open expression. Unfortunately their nationalism is Statist, imperialistic, and supremacist in nature, and so impacts negatively on those different from them and who want to live in peace on their own and not be ruled over by those different from them.

One of our members suggested that we should step back a metre or so from the fence separating us – the confrontation was too intense and noticeable for the police not to intervene – and soon enough the police were there asking the Chinese to move back too. Some Chinese broke out into the Chinese national anthem, while others vigorously tried to block the public view of our banner. As happened to various other anti-Chinese protestors that we observed, the Chinese tried to surround and swamp our group and its banner, coming behind us and waving their large red flags over our heads provocatively. Fortunately, the police intervened and removed these provocateurs. During the day however, we observed ourselves and heard stories from others of how the Chinese masses would use this ‘swamping’ tactic to surround and cut off isolated groups of protestors from general observation, beating them with their flagpoles and fists while out of view.

Eventually a more or less uneasy stand-off occurred and we could stay in place and distribute material both here and throughout the rest of the crowd, while being constantly photographed and receiving requests for various media interviews.

During this period we also observed a Chinese flag being burned by a group of Tibetan supporters inside the fenced area. This was a brave act, because immediately scores of Chinese and police descended on the protestors. After a few brief jerks the burning flag came down. Fortunately the cameraman with us captured this incident. Also of interest were the large drums that the Chinese nationalists used in their massed chants. We observed one of these drums being wheeled past us, and the drummers walked past us with angry looks. One wonders who paid for these articles and how the Chinese were trained to use them in a synchronized fashion with the chants.

We enjoyed a good view of the opening ceremony that featured an Aboriginal dance and a smoking ceremony. Unlike at APEC, these speeches were mostly by bureaucratic officials, though one Aboriginal speaker said ominously, ‘This ceremony will help drive away the evil spirits who are here today’, presumably referring to protestors supporting the Tibetans.

In a sharp contrast to APEC, at Canberra there was a noticeable absence of any organized leftist presence. Therefore we did not see any ‘Red Blocs’ of Socialist Alternative or Resistance, nor did we see any mainstream Anarchists showing any solidarity at all with the Tibetan cause. While we did observe the occasional Australian with the Tibetans, these people were obviously not all leftists. Perhaps the leftists were wary of their ‘Red Blocs’ and communist stars being mistaken for support of communist China? In the whole day we were the only organized Western political opposition on the ground. (In a passing it should also be noted that in the entire day we did not observe a single Westerner supporting the Chinese cause).

After the ceremony closed we gave a chant of ‘Free Tibet, free Tibet!’ then headed off to new Parliament House, where a section of the torch relay was. We observed six coaches of the Chinese nationalists parked above Old Parliament House. We walked up and took a group photograph with our banner in front of New Parliament House. When we got there, for a second time I had my backpack searched and most of us were frisked. The police were probably looking more for an excuse to silence our protest and remove our presence, rather than any public safety motivation. This underlined the less professional nature of the police in comparison with the intelligence and discipline shown by the police at APEC.

All over the grass lawns of Parliament the Chinese were out in force, their presence overwhelming, and the Tibetans and their supporters were vastly outnumbered. We stayed for a while trying to gain a vantage point for the torch relay, and witnessed a number of minor scuffles between the Tibetans and the Chinese.

After a while we headed back down the hill to look for a better location to protest the torch relay. On our way down we came across a confrontation and shouting match between Tibetans and Chinese nationalists. Like their situation in Tibet and at this event itself, the Tibetans were hopelessly outnumbered, and were being swamped by the louder and more aggressive Chinese (at least when they are in overwhelming numbers). But they were fighting a losing battle, and nobly resisting to the end, while the whole situation was descending into chaos. There was a scene between two female supporters of either side, highly incensed, arguing their respective case with screaming and shouting – the Tibetan woman was in tears and the Chinese woman appeared to be mocking her. We unfurled our banner and came between the two parties, taking the Tibetan side. We started up the second chant of ‘Free Tibet!’ This time the Tibetan side which was present enthusiastically joined in unison. And the odds on that day, helped by our numbers and radical appearance, swung in the Tibetans’ favour. The Tibetans, recognizing us as their allies, grabbed our banner with us, and came to stand with their flags behind us, chanting wildly. The Chinese were taken unawares, surprised to be confronted by such a well-organized group. Only at this point did the police, who were present there from the start, decide that action was in order, and, after much backing and forthing, called on us to move on. We made our way down the hill, led by a particularly enthusiastic Tibetan, shouldering aside the now sullen Chinese, all the while continuing our chant, ‘Free Tibet!’

After a long march down with these supporters, chanting and handing our literature to bystanders we awaited the torch relay at a new location. However, due to a frequent change of route by the ACT government, the torch was not going past that location anymore. The Tibetans thanked us, and we ended our part in the proceedings for that day by walking back to our cars.

After saying goodbye to our Canberra comrades we headed back to Sydney, sighting again conveys of coaches and carloads packed with Chinese. It was a long, hard but enjoyable day of nationalist activism.